Adakah dalam laporan itu yang mengatakan saya telah mencuri wang 1MDB? Tidak sama sekali, kata Najib. Betulkah kata-kata Perdana Menteri itu?
Menurut salah seorang anggota PAC, Tony Pua, laporan PAC berkaitan 1MDB sebenarnya bukan saja tidak mengatakan Najib mencuri wang daripada syarikat pelaburan itu, tetapi ia juga tidak menyebut Perdana Menteri tidak mencuri duit 1MDB.
Menjelaskan kedudukan sebenarnya, beliau berkata, peranan Najib dalam skandal 1MDB tidak pernah disebut kerana PAC tidak pernah diberi peluang untuk menyoal serta menyiasat Perdana Menteri.
PAC juga, tambah Tony Pua yang merupakan Ahli Parlimen Petaling Jaya Utara, tidak pernah sama sekali menyiasat sumber dana RM2,600 juta yang masuk ke akaun bank peribadi Najib.
Katanya, Pengerusi PAC sebelum ini, Nur Jazlan Mohamed telah bersetuju bahawa Najib perlu menjawab kepada PAC tentang peranannya dalam skandal 1MDB, tetapi penggantinya, Hassan Ariffin telah menolak semua percubaan untuk memanggil Perdana Menteri.
"Ahli BN dalam PAC menghalang semua percubaan untuk memanggil Najib dengan alasan "Perdana Menteri tidak terlibat" atau "Perdana Menteri tidak relevan" untuk disiasat," jelas Tony Pua seterusnya.
Dengan penjelasan Tony Pua ini, bermakna adalah tidak tepat untuk mengatakan Najib secara mutlaknya tidak pernah mencuri duit 1MDB.
Hakikatnya, laporan PAC bukan saja tidak menyebut Najib mencuri duit 1MDB, tetapi juga tidak menyebut Najib tidak mencuri duit 1MDB.
Ini kerana PAC tidak pernah diberi peluang untuk menyiasat dan menyoal Najib. Baca seterusnya...
Apa pendirian PAS sekarang setelah PAC,AG dan Polis mengatakan tidak ada kes dan tidak bersalah? takkan nak berkecuali lagi? nak tunggu siapa yang buat keputusan ? Mahkamah? Tiada kes. - Ab Rahman Yaacob
Apa guna jadi tuan penasihat kerajaang kalau sekadar membisu dan membuta sahaja sehingga terbukti sesuatu jenayah itu sah berlaku? Kalau dah sah berlaku, barulah PAS nak menjatuhkan hukuman? Hanya manusia yang tidak bertanggungjawab serta tidak berpendirian yang suka mengambil jalan selamat bagi menjaga kepentingan sendiri, walaupun mereka sedar jalan itu mendosakan mereka. - Mat Yet
Sikap berkecuali PAS dlm isu 1MDB akan memberi menfaat kpd rakyat kah Tn Presideng? Adakah ini cara yg dianjurkan oleh Islam dlm mendepani kemungkaran yg nyata ? Kes 1MDB telah disiasat di 9 negara dan pesalah yg terlibat telah dihukum oleh mahkamah Singapura - PAS masih nak berkecuali ? RM2.6b + 40j yg disahkan masuk ke a/c peribadi Najib - PAS bersetuju lah dgn AG Apandi ianya duit derma Arab dan Najib tak tau... Amat mengecewakan calon PM PAS ni. - IbnuAbbas Muhammad
Can Mahathir and Anwar's alliance beat history in Malaysia's election...
It's nearly 20 years since Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim was first arrested on what were widely regarded as trumped-up sodomy charges. At the time he was deputy prime minister and finance minister in the government of prime minister and great rival Mahathir Mohamad.
Fast-forward to 2018 and in the intervening two decades, Anwar has spent six years in jail and then six years back in parliament as opposition leader, having won the popular vote in the 2013 general election but been blocked from becoming PM because a gerrymander stopped him winning a majority of seats. After being convicted of another questionable sodomy charge in 2014 - he was initially found not guilty - Anwar has spent another four-year stint in jail.
Which brings us to the looming Malaysian general election, and a tale of two of the most unlikely political allies South-east Asia has ever seen: Anwar the prisoner, who is due to be released from jail on June 8, and Mahathir, the man who first put him behind bars.
The nation's 14th general election - or GE14, as it is known by Malaysians - is due no later than August 24, but poll watchers and pundits in the nation of about 30 million people widely expect it to be held at the end of April. The incumbent prime minister, Najib Razak, is another protege of the 92-year-old Mahathir, the man who led the country from 1981 to 2003.
Prime minister since April 2009, Najib has in recent years been rocked by allegations levelled by the US Department of Justice that he received $US681 million in stolen funds from sovereign wealth fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), of which he is chairman. Investigations are underway in at least five countries, though Najib has denied any wrongdoing.
In January, Mahathir announced his return to lead a coalition of opposition parties in a bid to defeat Najib and the ruling coalition Mahathir once led, which has ruled the country since 1957, the year of Malaysian independence. Mahathir tells Fairfax Media in an interview that beating Najib is going to be "very tricky", but that "Najib has destroyed everything that we have built up in this country. Today he is ruling the country without regard to the rule of law.
"We are facing the problem of a very dirty election which is unfair to the opposition, skewed towards giving Najib victory. So this is against all our beliefs in a system of democracy, the rule of law and all that. It has all been abandoned."
Mahathir, Malaysia's longest-serving prime minister, ruled the country as an autocrat; his championing of democracy and the rule of law has left many pundits scratching their heads. And that's where the story takes a Shakespearean twist: Mahathir has agreed to seek a royal pardon for Anwar and to step aside so Anwar can replace him as prime minister if the opposition wins the election.
For a country that has grown relatively prosperous since independence under a succession of mildly autocratic rulers and a near one-party system, the next few months promise an extraordinary, bare-knuckle political fight. But can the opposition parties actually take power and bring political change to Malaysia after all this time?
Despite the bewildering 1MDB scandal and the unlikely alliance of Mahathir and Anwar, the answer is probably no, according to University of Malaya politics professor and columnist Edmund Terence Gomez. Gomez says that to win, Mahathir and Anwar have to muster sufficient support in the Malay heartland states, and potentially the Borneo states of Sarawak and Sabah, to get over the line. That's something they will struggle to do.
The key factor in deciding the result will not necessarily be policies but rather an electoral boundary redistribution which will be pushed through parliament in the next couple of weeks, and which will favour the government and likely ensure Najib gets over the line.
"The question is can Mahathir convince people Najib doesn’t have the moral right to continue as prime minister because of the serious allegations of corruption against him?"
The alliance between Mahathir and Anwar marks the coming together of "deadly enemies", Gomez says, but it may not be enough.
"Politics is about the coming-together of strange bedfellows. The common agenda is to remove Najib.
"Is it politically savvy? Yes. Is it difficult to fathom? Yes. That’s why there is disillusionment that the opposition is led by the man who contributed to many of the problems in this country. But politically it makes sense."
Anwar's wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, is also an MP and is currently serving as deputy opposition leader to Mahathir in the four-party Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) coalition. In an interview with Fairfax Media, she admits to mixed feelings about being on the same side as Mahathir.
"It's a bit surreal. Is this really happening? But yes it is and of course for me it shows how bad the situation is that the former prime minister who actually handpicked Datuk Seri [Najib] as prime minister - it has come to this stage where he [Mahathir] actually wants to get rid of the man that he chose himself."
Both Mahathir and Wan Azizah are outraged by the 1MDB scandal, and the opposition will attempt to capitalise on it during the campaign, but Gomez isn't sure it will sway votes as it "is way over the head of most rural folk". It will, however, have some bite among the educated middle classes, though other scandals, such as in a land distribution agency, are better understood and will help the opposition more.
Gomez predicts a nasty, negative campaign in which the perennial issue of race will also play a part. Malaysia is a racially diverse state of ethnic Malays, Chinese and Indians in which the electoral boundaries favour the Malay population.
The redrawing of boundaries for the 222-seat parliament is expected to deliver an even more unbalanced electoral map that favours the ruling party, with some seats to have as many as 160,000 voters and others less than a quarter of that number. Griffith University Asia Institute lecturer Lee Morgenbesser predicts that gerrymandering will ensure Najib's government retains power.
"It is highly likely that we will see the most extreme display of disproportion in recent memory. This heightened level of manipulation is owing to the unpopularity of [Najib] and the peculiar threat posed by Mahathir," he says. Morgenbesser predicts the status quo will prevail after the election, despite the high hopes of the newly-united opposition.
"The most likely outcome is that Mahathir's party wins the popular vote, but Najib's party wins a small majority in parliament. Given that the same result effectively occurred during the 2013 general election, this would not be a complete disaster for the [governing Barisan Nasional, or National Front] coalition."
Mahathir says the opposition have a very good chance "provided there is no cheating, but there is going to be massive cheating", while Wan Azizah concedes winning will be tough, but claims Malaysians have made up their mind that "enough is enough" and will vote for change.
So after more than 60 years of effective one-party rule, Malaysia's "GE14" is shaping up to be one of the fiercest - and most unusual - political fights the country has seen. - James Massola,SMH
Bayaq GST RM1.04 sebagai sumbangan gua utk
jelaskan hutang 1MDB yg hangpa dok bangga sangat...
Hangpa renung betoi2 muka ni.Agaknya dia takut Allah atau UMNO?
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